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Curzonism for the University
AT
LAST the
brahmastra which Lord Curzon forged for the
stifling of patriotism through the instrumentality of the University, is to be
utilised, and utilised to its full capacity. We all remember the particular
skirmish in the first Swadeshi struggle in which Sir Bampfylde Fuller fell. Sir
Bampfylde insisted on the disaffiliation of the Serajgunge Schools because the
teachers and students were publicly taking part in politics. Lord Minto’s
Government refused to support him in this action because it was inadvisable,
having regard to the troubled nature of the times, and Sir Bampfylde had to
resign. Whatever stronger motives were behind Lord Minto’s action, this was the
ostensible occasion for a resignation which practically amounted to a
dismissal. Now we find the same Government and the same Lord Minto out-fullering
Fuller and threatening in much more troubled times against all Government or
aided or affiliated Colleges and Schools the action which Sir Bampfylde
contemplated against only two.
The circular letter issued to the local
Governments "with the object of protecting
Higher Education in India" from any connection with politics, is an awkward and
clumsily worded document such as we would not have expected from the pen of Sir
H. Risley, but it manages to make its object and methods pretty clear. The
object is to put a stop to the system of National Volunteers which is growing up
throughout Bengal, to use the Universities as an instrument for stifling the
growth of political life and incidentally to prevent men of ability and
influence in the educational line from becoming a political power. This is how
Lord Minto, presumably with the approval of Mr. John Morley, proposes to bring
about these objects. The objects of their benevolent and high-minded
attention are divided into four classes, schoolboys, college students, school
masters, professors, and for each a scientifically varied treatment is carefully
prescribed.
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For students in high schools, "In the interest of the boys
themselves, it is clearly undesirable that they should be distracted from their
work by attending political meetings or engaging in any form of political
agitation. In the event of such misconduct being persisted in and encouraged or
permitted by masters or managing authorities, the offending school can after due
warning be dealt with — (a) by the local Government, which has the power of
withdrawing any grant-in-aid and of withholding the privilege of competing for
scholarships and of receiving scholarship-holders; (b) by the University,
which can withdraw recognition from the school, the effect of which is to
prevent it from sending up pupils as candidates for matriculation examination."
Students in high school are therefore to be debarred from all political
education and brought up on an exclusive diet of Lee Warner and Empire Day.
Attending political meetings, outside school hours mind you, and, it may be,
with the full consent of the guardians, is to be reckoned as misconduct coming
within the scope of school discipline. It is to be punished by the disciplining, that is to say, the flogging or expulsion of the boys. But what if the
teachers or the managing authorities remember that they are men and not dogs who
for a little food from the Government are ready to do its will just or unjust?
What if they decline to do the Government’s dirty work for it? Then the local
magistrate appears on the
scene and takes away the grant-in-aid and the privilege
of competing for scholarships and of receiving scholarship-holders. But
supposing there should still be found a Vidyasagar or two who would
contemptuously spurn these bribes and prefer to keep his manhood? For that also
this provident circular has provided. The school can be refused recognition, a
refusal which will mean exclusion of its students from a college education. For
this purpose the local Government will report to the University "which alone is
legally competent to inflict the requisite penalty". But if this sole legal
authority should decline to act on the report of the local Government? Then, it
appears, there is another sole authority which is legally or illegally competent, the Government itself. The report is to be understood not as a report but
as an order, and if it is disobeyed, the University "would fail to carry out the
educational trust with which the law
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has invested
it, and it would be the duty of the Government to intervene".
The next class is composed
of university students. In their case the Government is not prepared to punish
them, as a general rule, for merely attending political meetings. We take it
that, in special cases, e.g., if it were a meeting addressed by Srijut Bepin
Chandra Pal or Syed Haldar Reza or Mr. Tilak, they will not be punished. But if
they take an active part in the meeting, then the need for discipline will
begin. Any action which will bring undesirable notoriety upon their college,
will be sufficient ground for Government interference. Picketing is of course
forbidden to the student and so is open violence — such for instance as the
defence of his father’s house, person and property from Mahomedan Goondas or
of the chastity of his wife, sister or mother from violation by political
hooligans.
The schoolmaster is mercifully treated. He is graciously conceded
the right of having his own opinions and even of expressing them within limits
set by the alien bureaucracy. "If, therefore, the public utterances of a
schoolmaster are of such a character as to endanger the orderly development of
the boys under his charge by introducing into their immature minds doctrines
subversive of their respect for authority and calculated to impair their
usefulness as citizens and to hinder their advancement in after life, his
proceedings must be held to constitute a dereliction of duty, and may properly
be visited with disciplinary action." In plain unofficial English the
schoolmaster will be allowed to teach loyalty
and subservience, but if he teaches patriotism, he must be
suspended, degraded or dismissed. If he takes his pupils or encourages them to
go to political meetings, — barring celebrations of
the Empire Day, — he will, of course, be dismissed at once. Finally, the College
Professors, men like Srijut Surendranath Banerji, Aswini Kumar Dutt, Krishna
Kumar Mitra, are not to be altogether gagged, but their hands are to be bound.
"If he diverts his students’ minds to political agitation", as Srijut
Surendranath has done for decades; "if he encourages them to attend
political
meetings or personally" conducts them to such meetings, — this is obviously
aimed at Srijut Krishna Kumar Mitra and the Anti-Circular
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Society
– "or if he adopts a line of
action which disturbs and disorganises the life and work of the College at
which he is employed", — whatever this portentous phrase may mean, — the
College is to be disaffiliated or the offender expelled.
This ukase
out-Russias Russia. Not even in Russia have such systematically drastic measures
been taken to discourage political life and patriotic activity among the young.
Not even the omnipotent Tsar has dared to issue an ukase so arbitrary,
oppressive and inquisitorial. It means that no self-respecting patriot will in
future enter or remain in the Government educational service in any position
of responsibility; or if he remains, he will not be allowed to remain long. It
means that the position of private schools and colleges will become unbearable
and they will be compelled to break off connection with the Government
University. It means, if there is a grain of self-respect left in the country,
that the Government University will perish and a National University be
developed. And for this reason we welcome the circular and hope that its
provisions will be stringently enforced.
Bande Mataram, May
8, 1907
By The Way
The Anglo-Indian Defence Association exists, we
believe, in order to take up the cause of Anglo-Indians individually and
generally, whether that cause be just or unjust, whether the individual be a
good citizen or a criminal pursued by the law. It is not surprising that such a
body should also be found championing the Mahomedan hooligans who, for the
present, are the good friends, allies and brothers-in-arms of Anglo-India in its
fight against Swadeshi. A certain Mr. Garth, said to be a son of the late Sir
Richard Garth, Chief Justice and one of the cheap and numerous tribe of "Friends
of India", was the oratorical hero of the occasion. This gentleman was
delivered in Mangoe Lane on Monday of a speech which runs to more than a column
of insults and misrepresentations against Swadeshi Bengalis. He informed a
wondering world that things in East Bengal were
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quite the opposite of what the Bengali press
reported. We do not exactly understand this phrase. Does Mr. Garth mean that it
is the Mahomedans who are being plundered, their men wounded and injured, their
women outraged, while the officials give their assailants a free hand and are
busy repressing any attempt at self-defence? That would be the opposite of what
the Bengali papers represent.
But Mr. Garth then assures the world
– which ought by this time
to be quite dumb with awe — that he, Mr. Garth, is quite satisfied of the
absolute falsity of the charges against the local officials. He does not pretend
– this easily-satisfied Mr. Garth — that there is a single fact
or the smallest fragment of evidence to disprove these charges which the
officials impugned have not tried and the Anglo-Indian journals have not been
able to disprove. No, the inner consciousness, the subliminal self of Mr.
Garth has assured the outer barrister in him of the innocence of Messrs. Clarke, Loghman & Co., and they are acquitted. Mr. Garth is equally cocksure that
the Mahomedans did not begin any of the recent riots so — it was the Hindus who
went and compelled them to riot and plunder and worse — so anxious were the
people of Jamalpur and Dewangunj to bring on themselves the worst outrages and
insults. With such brilliant powers of insight and reasoning Mr. Garth ought
to have come much more to the front as a
barrister than he has succeeded in doing.
The case for the
Mahomedans as presented by this brilliant special pleader is that they were
goaded to madness. In order to prove his point, he makes no bones about
falsifying history. The Hindus, he says, tried their hardest to get the
Mahomedans to join with them but absolutely failed. When we remember the
unanimity of Hindus and Mahomedans at the time of the Partition Agitation, we
cannot but admire such fearless lying. Well, the Hindus failed and then they
tried intimidation on the poor sellers of Bideshi articles who are all, if you
please, — yes, one and all Mahomedans in Mr. Garth’s pleasant romance. But
still Mahomedans would not lose their angelic patience, still they would not
listen to the pipings of Hare Street. But at last the Hindus began to form
bodies of volunteers and learn stick- play and sword-play. This was the last
insult which drove the
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Mahomedans to madness.
That Hindus should learn sword-play and stick-play is enough, in Mr. Garth’s
opinion, to justify outrage, plunder, murder, mutilation, and the violation of
women. After this, he says, no wonder the Mahomedans began to ask their leaders,
"What is this?" All this tumult and violence, all these Armenian and Bulgarian
horrors under British rule, are only the inoffensive, patient, loyal Mahomedan’s
gentle way of asking his leaders, "what is this?"
We have written the above
in the very bitterness of our heart. It is clearer than ever that the unspeakable
outrages inflicted on the Hindu community had the full moral support of the
English in India. Officials allow them, Anglo-Indian papers sympathise with
them, Anglo-Indian speakers defend them, and the speeches and writings in which
they are defended, are full of intolerable insults to the whole Hindu population
of Bengal. Yet we do not cease to buy the Englishman and Empire,
we do not cease to give briefs to Mr. Garth and men of his kidney. We even
hear that a prominent Swadeshi leader gave a brief to Mr. Garth the very next
day after his speech, presumably as a reward for calling the whole Bengali
Bar and Press a pack of liars. If it is so, we deserve every humiliation that
can be inflicted upon us.
Bande Mataram, May 9, 1907
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