Bande Mataram

 

CONTENTS

 

Pre-content

 

 

Part One

Writings and a Resolution 1890 ­ 1906

 

India Renascent

India and the British Parliament

 

New Lamps for Old

I

II

III

IV

V

VI

VII

VIII

IX

At the Turn of the Century

Old Moore for 1901

The Congress Movement

Fragment for a Pamphlet

Unity: An open letter

The Proposed Reconstruction of Bengal

On the Bengali and the Mahratta

Bhawani Mandir

Ethics East and West

Resolution at a Swadeshi Meeting

A Sample-Room for Swadeshi Articles

On the Barisal Proclamation

 

 

Part Two

Bande Mataram under the Editorship of Bipin Chandra Pal 6 August ­ 15 October 1906

 

Bande Mataram 20-8-06

Darkness in Light 20.8.06

Our Rip Van Winkles 20.8.06

Indians Abroad 20.8.06

Officials on the Fall of Fuller 20.8.06

Cow Killing: An Englishman's Amusements in Jalpaiguri 20.8.06

 

Bande Mataram 27-8-06

Schools for Slaves 27.8.06

By the Way 27.8.06

 

Bande Mataram 28-8-06

The Mirror and Mr. Tilak 28.8.06

Leaders in Council 28.8.06

 

Bande Mataram 30-8-06

Loyalty and Disloyalty in East Bengal 30.8.06

By the Way 30.8.06

 

Bande Mataram 1-9-06

Lessons at Jamalpur 1.9.06

By the Way 1.9.06

 

Bande Mataram 3-9-06

By the Way 3.9.06

 

Bande Mataram 4-9-06

Partition and Petition 4.9.06

English Enterprise and Swadeshi 4.9.06

Sir Frederick Lely on Sir Bampfylde Fuller 4.9.06

Jamalpur 4.9.06

By the Way 4.9.06

 

Bande Mataram 8-9-06

The Times on Congress Reforms 8.9.06

By the Way 8.9.06

 

Bande Mataram 10-9-06

The Pro-Petition Plot 10.9.06

Socialist and Imperialist 10.9.06

The Sanjibani on Mr. Tilak 10.9.06

Secret Tactics 10.9.06

By the Way 10.9.06

 

Bande Mataram 11-9-06

A Savage Sentence 11.9.06

The Question of the Hour 11.9.06

A Criticism 11.9.06

By the Way 11.9.06

 

Bande Mataram 12-9-06

The Old Policy and the New 12.9.06

Is a Conflict Necessary? 12.9.06

The Charge of Vilification 12.9.06

Autocratic Trickery 12.9.06

By the Way 12.9.06

 

Bande Mataram 13-9-06

Strange Speculations 13.9.06

The Statesman under Inspiration 13.9.06

 

Bande Mataram 14-9-06

A Disingenuous Defence 14.9.06

 

Bande Mataram 17-9-06

Last Friday's Folly 17.9.06

Stop-gap Won't Do 17.9.06

By the Way 17.9.06

 

Bande Mataram 18-9-06

Is Mendicancy Successful? 18.9.06

By the Way 18.9.06

 

Bande Mataram 20-9-06

By the Way 20.9.06

 

Bande Mataram 1-10-06

By the Way 1.10.06

 

Bande Mataram 11-10-06

By the Way 11.10.06

 
 

Part Three

Bande Mataram under the Editorship of Sri Aurobindo 24 October 1906 ­ 27 May 1907

 

Bande Mataram 29-10-06

The Famine near Calcutta 29.10.06

Statesman's Sympathy Brand 29.10.06

By the Way. News from Nowhere 29.10.06

 

Bande Mataram 30-10-06

The Statesman's Voice of Warning 30.10.06

Sir Andrew Fraser 30.10.06

By the Way. Necessity Is the Mother of Invention 30.10.06

 

Bande Mataram Nov-Dec

Articles Published in the Bande Mataram in November and December 1906

 

Bande Mataram 26-12-06

The Man of the Past and the Man of the Future 26.12.06

 

Bande Mataram 31-12-06

The Results of the Congress 31.12.06

 

Bande Mataram 25-2-07

Yet There Is Method in It 25.2.07

 

Bande Mataram 28-2-07

Mr. Gokhale's Disloyalty 28.2.07

 

Bande Mataram 15-3-07

The Comilla Incident 15.3.07

 

Bande Mataram 18-3-07

British Protection or Self-Protection 18.3.07

 

Bande Mataram 29-3-07

The Berhampur Conference 29.3.07

 

Bande Mataram 2-4-07

The President of the Berhampur Conference 2.4.07

 

Bande Mataram 3-4-07

Peace and the Autocrats 3.4.07

 

Bande Mataram 5-4-07

Many Delusions 5.4.07

By the Way. Reflections of Srinath Paul, Rai Bahadoor, on the Present Discontents 5.4.07

 

Bande Mataram 6-4-07

Omissions and Commissions at Berhampur 6.4.07

 

Bande Mataram 8-4-07

The Writing on the Wall 8.4.07

 

Bande Mataram 9-4-07

A Nil-admirari Admirer 9.4.07

 

Bande Mataram 10-4-07

Pherozshahi at Surat 10.4.07

A Last Word 10.4.07

 

Bande Mataram 11-4-07

The Situation in East Bengal 11.4.07

 

Bande Mataram 11-23-4-07

The Doctrine of Passive Resistance 11 ­ 23.4.07

I. Introduction

II. Its Object

III. Its Necessity

IV. Its Methods

V. Its Obligations

VI. Its Limits

VII. Conclusions

 

Bande Mataram 12-4-07

The Proverbial Offspring 12.4.07

By the Way 12.4.07

 

Bande Mataram 13-4-07

By the Way 13.4.07

 

Bande Mataram 16-4-07

The Old Year 16.4.07

Rishi Bankim Chandra 16.4.07

 

Bande Mataram 17-4-07

A Vilifier on Vilification 17.4.07

By the Way. A Mouse in a Flutter 17.4.07

 

Bande Mataram 18-4-07

Simple, Not Rigorous 18.4.07

British Interests and British Conscience 18.4.07

A Recommendation 18.4.07

 

Bande Mataram 19-4-07

An Ineffectual Sedition Clause 19.4.07

The Englishman as a Statesman 19.4.07

 

Bande Mataram 22-4-07

The Gospel according to Surendranath 22.4.07

 

Bande Mataram 23-4-07

A Man of Second Sight 23.4.07

Passive Resistance in the Punjab 23.4.07

 

Bande Mataram 24-4-07

By the Way 24.4.07

 

Bande Mataram 25-4-07

Bureaucracy at Jamalpur 25.4.07

Anglo-Indian Blunderers 25.4.07

The Leverage of Faith 25.4.07

 

Bande Mataram 26-4-07

Graduated Boycott 26.4.07

Instinctive Loyalty 26.4.07

Nationalism, Not Extremism 26.4.07

 

Bande Mataram 27-4-07S

hall India Be Free? The Loyalist Gospel 27.4.07

The Mask Is Off 27.4.07

 

Bande Mataram 29-4-07

Shall India Be Free? National Development and Foreign Rule 29.4.07

 

Bande Mataram 30-4-07

Shall India Be Free? 30.4.07

 

Bande Mataram 1-5-07

Moonshine for Bombay Consumption 1.5.07

The Reformer on Moderation 1.5.07

 

Bande Mataram 2-5-07

Shall India Be Free? Unity and British Rule 2.5.07

 

Bande Mataram 3-5-07

Extremism in the Bengalee 3.5.07

Hare or Another 3.5.07

 

Bande Mataram 6-5-07

Look on This Picture, Then on That 6.5.07

 

Bande Mataram 8-5-07

Curzonism for the University 8.5.07

Incompetence or Connivance 8.5.07

Soldiers and Assaults 8.5.07

 

Bande Mataram 9-5-07

By the Way 9.5.07

 

Bande Mataram 10-5-07

Lala Lajpat Rai Deported 10.5.07

 

 

Bande Mataram 11-5-07

The Crisis 11.5.07

Lala Lajpat Rai 11.5.07

 

Bande Mataram 13-5-07

Government by Panic 13.5.07

In Praise of the Government 13.5.07

 

Bande Mataram 14-5-07

The Bagbazar Meeting 14.5.07

A Treacherous Stab 14.5.07

 

Bande Mataram 15-5-07

How to Meet the Ordinance 15.5.07

 

Bande Mataram 16-5-07

Mr. Morley's Pronouncement 16.5.07

The Bengalee on the Risley Circular 16.5.07

What Does Mr. Hare Mean? 16.5.07

Not to the Andamans! 16.5.07

 

Bande Mataram 17-5-07

The Statesman Unmasks 17.5.07

Sui Generis 17.5.07

 

Bande Mataram 20-5-07

The Statesman on Mr. Mudholkar 20.5.07

 

Bande Mataram 22-5-07

The Government Plan of Campaign 22.5.07

The Nawab's Message 22.5.07

 

Bande Mataram 23-5-07

And Still It Moves 23.5.07

British Generosity 23.5.07

 

Bande Mataram 24-5-07

An Irish Example 24.5.07

 

Bande Mataram 25-5-07

The East Bengal Disturbances 25.5.07

Newmania 25.5.07

 

Bande Mataram 27-5-07

The Gilded Sham Again 27.5.07

National Volunteers 27.5.07

 

 

Part Four

Bande Mataram under the Editorship of Sri Aurobindo 28 May ­ 22 December 1907

 

Bande Mataram 28-5-07

The True Meaning of the Risley Circular 28.5.07

Cool Courage and Not Blood-and-Thunder Speeches 28.5.07

 

Bande Mataram 29-5-07

The Effect of Petitionary Politics 29.5.07

The Sobhabazar Shaktipuja 29.5.07

 

Bande Mataram 30-5-07

The Ordinance and After 30.5.07

A Lost Opportunity 30.5.07

The Daily News and Its Needs 30.5.07

Common Sense in an Unexpected Quarter 30.5.07

Drifting Away 30.5.07

 

Bande Mataram 1-6-07

The Question of the Hour 1.6.07

 

Bande Mataram 4-6-07

Regulated Independence 4.6.07

A Consistent Patriot 4.6.07

Holding on to a Titbit 4.6.07

 

Bande Mataram 5-6-07

Wanted, a Policy 5.6.07

Preparing the Explosion 5.6.07

 

Bande Mataram 6-6-07

A Statement 6.6.07

Law and Order 6.6.07

 

Bande Mataram 7-6-07

Defying the Circular 7.6.07

By the Way. When Shall We Three Meet Again? 7.6.07

 

Bande Mataram 8-6-07

The Strength of the Idea 8.6.07

Comic Opera Reforms 8.6.07

Paradoxical Advice 8.6.07

 

Bande Mataram 12-6-07

An Out-of-Date Reformer 12.6.07

 

Bande Mataram 14-6-07

The Sphinx 14.6.07

 

Bande Mataram 17-6-07

Slow but Sure 17.6.07

 

Bande Mataram 18-6-07

The Rawalpindi Sufferers 18.6.07

Look on This Picture and Then on That 18.6.07

 

Bande Mataram 19-6-07

The Main Feeder of Patriotism 19.6.07

 

Bande Mataram 20-6-07

Concerted Action 20.6.07

The Bengal Government's Letter 20.6.07

 

Bande Mataram 21-6-07

British Justice 21.6.07

The Moral of the Coconada Strike 21.6.07

The Statesman on Shooting 21.6.07

 

Bande Mataram 22-6-07

Mr. A. Chaudhuri's Policy 22.6.07

A Current Dodge 22.6.07

 

Bande Mataram 24-6-07

More about British Justice 24.6.07

 

Bande Mataram 25-6-07

Morleyism Analysed 25.6.07

Political or Non-Political 25.6.07

Hare Street Logic 25.6.07

The Tanjore Students' Resolution 26.6.07

 

Bande Mataram 26-6-07

The Statesman on Mr. Chaudhuri 26.6.07

 

Bande Mataram 27-6-07

"Legitimate Patriotism" 27.6.07

Khulna Oppressions 27.6.07

 

Bande Mataram 28-6-07

The Secret Springs of Morleyism 28.6.07

A Danger to the State 28.6.07

The New Thought. Personal Rule and Freedom of Speech and Writing

28.6.07

 

Bande Mataram 29-6-07

The Secret of the Swaraj Movement 29.6.07

Passive Resistance in France 29.6.07

By the Way 29.6.07

 

Bande Mataram 1-7-07

Stand Fast 1.7.07

 

Bande Mataram 2-7-07

The Acclamation of the House 2.7.07

Perishing Prestige 2.7.07

A Congress Committee Mystery 2.7.07

 

Bande Mataram 3-7-07

Europe and Asia 3.7.07

 

Bande Mataram 4-7-07

Press Prosecutions 4.7.07

 

Bande Mataram 5-7-07

Try Again 5.7.07

 

Bande Mataram 9-7-07

A Curious Procedure 9.7.07

Association and Dissociation 9.7.07

 

Bande Mataram 11-7-07

Industrial India 11.7.07

 

Bande Mataram 13-7-07

From Phantom to Reality 13.7.07

Audi Alteram Partem 13.7.07

Swadeshi in Education 13.7.07

 

Bande Mataram 15-7-07

Boycott and After 15.7.07

 

Bande Mataram 16-7-07

In Honour of Hyde and Humphreys 16.7.07

 

Bande Mataram 18-7-07

Angelic Murmurs 18.7.07

 

Bande Mataram 19-7-07

A Plague o' Both Your Houses 19.7.07

 

Bande Mataram 20-7-07

The Khulna Comedy 20.7.07

A Noble Example 20.7.07

 

Bande Mataram 22-7-07

The Korean Crisis 22.7.07

 

Bande Mataram 25-7-07

One More for the Altar 25.7.07

 

Bande Mataram 26-7-07

Srijut Bhupendranath 26.7.07

 

Bande Mataram 26-7-07

The Issue 29.7.07

 

Bande Mataram 30-7-07

District Conference at Hughly 30.7.07

Bureaucratic Alarms 30.7.07

 

Bande Mataram 6-8-07

The 7th of August 6.8.07

The Indian Patriot on Ourselves 6.8.07

 

Bande Mataram 7-8-07

Our Rulers and Boycott 7.8.07

Tonight's Illumination 7.8.07

Our First Anniversary 7.8.07

 

Bande Mataram 7-8-07

To Organise 10.8.07

Statutory Distinction 10.8.07

 

Bande Mataram 12-8-07

Marionettes and Others 12.8.07

A Compliment and Some Misconceptions 12.8.07

Pal on the Brain 12.8.07

 

Bande Mataram 13-8-07

Phrases by Fraser 13.8.07

 

Bande Mataram 17-8-07

To Organise Boycott 17.8.07

The Foundations of Nationality 17.8.07

 

Bande Mataram 20-8-07

Barbarities at Rawalpindi 20.8.07

The High Court Miracles 20.8.07

The Times Romancist 20.8.07

 

Bande Mataram 21-8-07

A Malicious Persistence 21.8.07

 

Bande Mataram 23-8-07

In Melancholy Vein 23.8.07

Advice to National College Students [Speech] 23.8.07

 

Bande Mataram 24-8-07

Sankaritola's Apologia 24.8.07

 

Bande Mataram 26-8-07

Our False Friends 26.8.07

 

Bande Mataram 27-8-07

Repression and Unity 27.8.07

 

Bande Mataram 31-8-07

The Three Unities of Sankaritola 31.8.07

 

Bande Mataram 3-9-07

Eastern Renascence 3.9.07

 

Bande Mataram 12-9-07

The Martyrdom of Bipin Chandra 12.9.07

 

Bande Mataram 14-9-07

Sacrifice and Redemption 14.9.07

 

Bande Mataram 20-9-07

The Un-Hindu Spirit of Caste Rigidity 20.9.07

 

Bande Mataram 21-9-07

Caste and Democracy 21.9.07

 

Bande Mataram 25-9-07

Bande Mataram Prosecution 25.9.07

Pioneer or Hindu Patriot? 25.9.07

 

Bande Mataram 26-9-07

The Chowringhee Pecksniff and Ourselves 26.9.07

 

Bande Mataram 28-9-07

The Statesman in Retreat 28.9.07

The Khulna Appeal 28.9.07

 

Bande Mataram 4-10-07

A Culpable Inaccuracy 4.10.07

 

Bande Mataram 5-10-07

Novel Ways to Peace 5.10.07

"Armenian Horrors" 5.10.07

 

Bande Mataram 7-10-07

The Vanity of Reaction 7.10.07

The Price of a Friend 7.10.07

A New Literary Departure 7.10.07

 

Bande Mataram 8-10-07

Protected Hooliganism -A Parallel 8.10.07

Mr. Keir Hardie and India 8.10.07

 

Bande Mataram 11-10-07

The Shadow of the Ordinance in Calcutta 11.10.07

 

Bande Mataram 23-10-07

The Nagpur Affair and True Unity 23.10.07

 

Bande Mataram 29-10-07

The Nagpur Imbroglio 29.10.07

 

Bande Mataram 31-10-07

English Democracy Shown Up 31.10.07

 

Bande Mataram 4-11-07

Difficulties at Nagpur 4.11.07

 

Bande Mataram 5-11-07

Mr. Tilak and the Presidentship 5.11.07

 

Bande Mataram 16-11-07

Nagpur and Loyalist Methods 16.11.07

The Life of Nationalism 16.11.07

 

Bande Mataram 18-11-07

By the Way. In Praise of Honest John 18.11.07

 

Bande Mataram 19-11-07

Bureaucratic Policy 19.11.07

 

Bande Mataram 2-12-07

About Unity 2.12.07

 

Bande Mataram 3-12-07

Personality or Principle? 3.12.07

 

Bande Mataram 4-12-07

More about Unity 4.12.07

 

Bande Mataram 5-12-07

By the Way 5.12.07

 

Bande Mataram 6-12-07

Caste and Representation 6.12.07

 

Bande Mataram 12-12-07

About Unmistakable Terms 12.12.07

 

Bande Mataram 13-12-07

The Surat Congress 13.12.07

Misrepresentations about Midnapore 13.12.07

 

Bande Mataram 14-12-07

Reasons of Secession 14.12.07

 

Bande Mataram 17-12-07

The Awakening of Gujarat 17.12.07

 

Bande Mataram 18-12-07

"Capturing the Congress" 18.12.07

Lala Lajpat Rai's Refusal 18.12.07

The Delegates' Fund 18.12.07

 
 

Part Five

Speeches 22 December 1907 ­ 1 February 1908

 

Speeches 13-1-08

Our Experiences in Bengal 13.1.08

 

Speeches 15-1-08

National Education 15.1.08

 

Speeches 19-1-08

The Present Situation 19.1.08

 

Speeches 24-1-08

The Meaning of Swaraj 24.1.08

 

Speeches 26-1-08

Swadeshi and Boycott 26.1.08

 

Speeches 29-1-08

Bande Mataram 29.1.08

 

Speeches 30-1-08

The Aims of the Nationalist Party 30.1.08

 

Speeches 31-1-08

Our Work in the Future 31.1.08

 

Speeches 1-2-08

Commercial and Educational Swarajya 1.2.08

 

 

Part Six

Bande Mataram

under the Editorship of Sri Aurobindo with

Speeches Delivered during the Same Period 6 February ­ 3 May 1908

 

Bande Mataram 6-2-08

Revolutions and Leadership 6.2.08

 

Speeches 12-13-2-08

Speeches at Pabna 12 ­ 13.2.08

 

Bande Mataram 18-2-08S

waraj 18.2.08

 

Bande Mataram 19-2-08

The Future of the Movement 19.2.08

 

Bande Mataram 20-2-08

Work and Ideal 20.2.08

By the Way 20.2.08

 

Bande Mataram 21-2-08

The Latest Sedition Trial 21.2.08

Boycott and British Capital 21.2.08

Unofficial Commissions 21.2.08

The Soul and India's Mission 21.2.08

 

Bande Mataram 22-2-08

The Glory of God in Man 22.2.08

 

Bande Mataram 24-2-08

A National University 24.2.08

 

Bande Mataram 3-3-08

Mustafa Kamal Pasha 3.3.08

 

Bande Mataram 4-3-08

A Great Opportunity 4.3.08

 

Bande Mataram 5-3-08

Swaraj and the Coming Anarchy 5.3.08

 

Bande Mataram 7-3-08

The Village and the Nation 7.3.08

 

Bande Mataram 10-3-08

Welcome to the Prophet of Nationalism 10.3.08

 

Bande Mataram 11-3-08

The Voice of the Martyrs 11.3.08

Constitution-making 11.3.08

What Committee? 11.3.08

An Opportunity Lost 11.3.08

A Victim of Bureaucracy 11.3.08

 

Bande Mataram 12-3-08

A Great Message 12.3.08

 

Bande Mataram 13-3-08

The Tuticorin Victory 13.3.08

 

Bande Mataram 14-3-08

Perpetuate the Split! 14.3.08

Loyalty to Order 14.3.08

 

Bande Mataram 16-3-08

Asiatic Democracy 16.3.08

Charter or No Charter 16.3.08

 

Bande Mataram 17-3-08

The Warning from Madras 17.3.08

 

Bande Mataram 19-3-08

The Need of the Moment 19.3.08

 

Bande Mataram 20-3-08

Unity by Co-operation 20.3.08

The Early Indian Polity 20.3.08

 

Bande Mataram 21-3-08

The Fund for Sj. Pal 21.3.08

 

Bande Mataram 23-3-08

The Weapon of Secession 23.3.08

Sleeping Sirkar and Waking People 23.3.08

Anti-Swadeshi in Madras 23.3.08

 

Bande Mataram 24-3-08

Exclusion or Unity? 24.3.08

How the Riot Was Made 24.3.08

 

Bande Mataram 25-3-08

Oligarchy or Democracy? 25.3.08

 

Bande Mataram 26-3-08

Freedom of Speech 26.3.08

 

Bande Mataram 27-3-08

Tomorrow's Meeting 27.3.08

Well Done, Chidambaram! 27.3.08

The Anti-Swadeshi Campaign 27.3.08

 

Bande Mataram 28-3-08

Spirituality and Nationalism 28.3.08

 

Bande Mataram 30-3-08

The Struggle in Madras 30.3.08

A Misunderstanding 30.3.08

 

Bande Mataram 31-3-08

The Next Step 31.3.08

 

Bande Mataram 1-4-08

India and the Mongolian 1.4.08

Religion and the Bureaucracy 1.4.08

The Milk of Putana 1.4.08

 

Bande Mataram 2-4-08

Swadeshi Cases and Counsel 2.4.08

 

Bande Mataram 3-4-08

The Question of the President 3.4.08

The Utility of Ideals 3.4.08

Speech at Panti's Math 3.4.08

 

Bande Mataram 4-4-08

Convention and Conference 4.4.08

By the Way 4.4.08

 

Bande Mataram 6-4-08

The Constitution of the Subjects Committee 6.4.08

 

Bande Mataram 7-4-08

The New Ideal 7.4.08

 

Bande Mataram 9-4-08

The Asiatic Role 9.4.08

Love Me or Die 9.4.08

 

Bande Mataram 10-4-08

The Work Before Us 10.4.08

Campbell-Bannerman Retires 10.4.08

 

Speech 10-4-08

United Congress [Speech] 10.4.08

 

Bande Mataram 11-4-08

The Demand of the Mother 11.4.08

 

Speech 12-4-08

Baruipur Speech 12.4.08

 

Bande Mataram 13-4-08

Peace and Exclusion 13.4.08

 

Bande Mataram 14-4-08

Indian Resurgence and Europe 14.4.08

Om Shantih 14.4.08

 

Bande Mataram 18-4-08

Conventionalist and Nationalist 18.4.08

 

Speech 20-4-08

Palli Samiti [Speech] 20.4.08

 

Bande Mataram 22-4-08

The Future and the Nationalists 22.4.08

 

Bande Mataram 23-4-08

The Wheat and the Chaff 23.4.08

 

Bande Mataram 24-4-08

Party and the Country 24.4.08

The Bengalee Facing Both Ways 24.4.08

 

Bande Mataram 25-4-08

The One Thing Needful 25.4.08

 

Bande Mataram 29-4-08

New Conditions 29.4.08

Whom to Believe? 29.4.08

By the Way. The Parable of Sati 29.4.08

 

Bande Mataram 30-4-08

Leaders and a Conscience 30.4.08

An Ostrich in Colootola 30.4.08

By the Way 30.4.08

 

Bande Mataram 2-5-08

Nationalist Differences 2.5.08

Ideals Face to Face 2.5.08

 

 

 

Part Seven

Writings from Manuscripts 1907 ­ 1908

 

The Bourgeois and the Samurai

The New Nationalism

The Mother and the Nation

The Morality of Boycott

A Fragment

 

 

Appendixes

 

Appendix One

 

Incomplete Drafts of Three Articles

Draft of the Conclusion of "Nagpur and Loyalist Methods"

Draft of the Opening of "In Praise of Honest John"

Incomplete Draft of an Unpublished Article

 

 

Appendix Two

 

Writings and Jottings Connected with the Bande Mataram 1906 ­ 1908

"Bande Mataram" Printers & Publishers, Limited.

Draft of a Prospectus of 1907

Notes and Memos

 

 

Appendix Three

 

Nationalist Party Documents

 

 

Appendix Four

 

A Birthday Interview

 

NOTE ON THE TEXTS

Bande Mataram


{ CALCUTTA, June 28th, 1907 }


 

The Secret Springs of Morleyism

 

The apostasy of John Morley has come as a surprise and a scandal to that numerous class of believers in British professions who looked upon him as an avatar of the spirit of philosophic Liberalism. To those who had studied the man at closer quarters there was no disappointment and no surprise. As the Kesari pointed out in the early days of his administration, the new Secretary of State might be a philosopher and defend human liberties in his books, but in the India Office he was bound to be a British statesman first of all and defend the continuance of British supremacy in India. But apart from this the whole temper of Mr. Morley's mind and the cast of his opinions made it quite certain that he would never be able to sympathise with the aspirations of our people and their claims to self-government and autonomy. It is true that Mr. Morley talks about the necessity of sympathy as the mainspring of Indian administration, but what is the nature of this sympathy? What Mr. Morley calls sympathy is not really sympathy but the patronising benevolence of the master possessed of absolute powers of life and death who is generous enough to give his bondslave as much education as is good for him: in the process of that education he tries to be as indulgent as possible while reserving his right to scourge him occasionally for his own good and of course to appropriate all the profits of his labour for the master's own purse. The object of the education given to the slave is not to fit him for freedom but to make him a more useful servant and one whose appearance and manners shall reflect credit on the master. Needless to say, this is not sympathy but a very undesirable form of arrogance and selfishness masquerading as benevolence. True sympathy means   

 

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"putting oneself in another's skin", understanding and appreciating his view of things, his feelings, hopes and aspirations and feeling his struggles and sufferings as one's own. This is the true liberal sentiment, the true liberal enthusiasm which men like Mr. Hyndman feel but which is extremely rare in the so-called Liberal party. Mr. Morley never had this sentiment and enthusiasm, he had only a cold philosophic conviction of the truth of the Liberal view of politics. This conviction depended on a keen intellectual appreciation of the materialistic, agnostic, scientific enlightenment of modern Europe and the governing ideas of the nineteenth century. But the very keenness of this appreciation makes it utterly impossible for Mr. Morley and men like him to understand and sympathise with Asiatics. To them Asia is a home of monstrous religions, barbarous despotisms, grotesque superstitions and a primitive morality. That this half-civilised continent contains peoples as capable of self-government as any European race is a thing which they cannot persuade themselves to believe, Japan notwithstanding. Japan has shown that Asiatic civilisation is equal and in some important respects superior to European, needing only to be modernised and equipped with the mental and material processes invented by European science. She has proved that the capacity Asiatics have shown in organising society and politics under old conditions can be diverted with admirable results to the reorganisation of society and politics under modern conditions. But to minds of the Morley type Japan only presents itself as a freak or an inexplicable exception. The world of Liberalism and enlightenment to which alone liberal philosophy is applicable and in which alone liberal institutions can flourish, is the world of Europe and America which has inherited the legacy of Rome and Greece, of Christianity and rationalistic thought and science. Asia stands outside that charmed enclosure.

That this is the mental attitude of Mr. John Morley is shown by the use which he has made of a certain passage from Mill: "Government by a dominant country is as legitimate as any other if it is one which in the existing state of the civilisation of the subject people most facilitates their transition to our state   

 

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of civilisation." Now, it is obvious that the case which Mill had in mind was that of a civilisation so inferior that the people possessing it had no capacity to raise themselves or to assimilate for themselves the essentials of a new organization and must be gradually trained up by foreigners; his dictum can have no reference to a great and living civilization like the civilizations of China, Japan and India which have understood and practised organization and self-adaptation to surrounding circumstances for thousands of years and have developed a highly intellectual and ingenious people quick to understand, to imitate and to improve. Japan has reorganized herself without the blessings of foreign rule, China is doing the same, and there is no reason to suppose that there is any constitutional defect in the Indian people which would prevent them from following the example if the alien incubus were removed. In none of these cases would foreign rule facilitate the transition to a modern organization of politics and society; in India it has distinctly retarded it. But the very fact that Mr. Morley applies Mill's dictum to India shows his inability to appreciate Asiatic civilization, character and capacity. He cannot and will not believe that Asiatics can ever be on a level with Europeans or capable of equalling and surpassing them in their own arts and sciences. His view of them is the view of Rudyard Kipling; they are the white man's burden, the lower races, half devil and half child. This attitude of Mr. Morley's is the ingrained, unalterable European sentiment. The rise of Japan is to the European a thing monstrous, incredible, unrealisable; he makes friends with the monster because he has seen its strength, but in his secret heart he chafes and rages against it as a thing intolerable and out of nature. He is prepared to use any and every means to crush Asiatic aspirations. Morality and humanity are meant to be employed in dealing with Asiatics just as much but no more than in dealing with the animal creation. There can be no European respect for Asiatics, no sympathy between them except the "sympathy" of the master for the slave, no peace except that which is won and maintained by the Asiatic sword. East is East and West is West and divided they shall remain; their temporary contact is decreed from time   

 

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to time so that each may take from the other's civilisation, but the interchange does not bring them nearer to each other. Those who like Mr. Krishnaswamy Aiyar think that because Europe will take much of India's religion and philosophy, therefore she will learn to love and respect the Indian people, forget that Europe adopted a modified Judaism as her religion, yet hated, despised and horribly persecuted the Jews. European prejudice will always refuse to regard Asiatics as anything but an inferior race and European selfishness will always deny their fitness to enjoy the rights of men until the inevitable happens and Asia once more spews Europe out of her mouth.

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A Danger to the State

 

Mr. Morley has declared from his high archangel's seat that Lajpat Rai was a danger to the State. We wonder what Mr. Morley means by the State. The biographer of Burke must certainly know enough of political science to be aware that a temporary and forcible subjugation of three hundred millions of people by a handful of alien bureaucrats does not constitute an organized state. It is an unnatural condition which can only last so long as the diseases of the body politic engendered by it do not become critical. The people of India, thrilled with new ideas and aspirations, reawakened to self-knowledge and bent on ensuring the continuity in development of their ancient civilization, cannot see their way to assimilate themselves to the alien handful. They demand that the system of government shall be so rearranged that an organized State may again be constituted in India. The leaders in that attempt are the hope of the future State and a danger only to the morbid and unnatural bureaucratic cancer which prevents its growth. Lajpat Rai, says Mr. Morley, may have devoted his time and means to religious and social reforms, but he could not therefore expect immunity for the actions which render him a danger to the State. Now, Lajpat Rai devoted himself to politics in the very same spirit as he devoted himself to religious and social reform. His   

 

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whole aim was to assist the healthy and free development of this ancient nation and its distinctive civilization. If he subordinated his social and religious activity for the time being to the political, it was from the conviction that the causes of his country's sufferings are political. If he erred, he has erred in company with Mr. Morley. It was the present hope of Anglo-India who tried to refute Professor Seeley and show that the striking amount of happiness which America began to enjoy after her secession from the British Empire was the consequence of that secession. Independence, Mr. Morley argued, not only put the Americans on their mettle, but it left them with fresh views, with a temper of unbounded adaptability, with an infinite readiness to try experiments and free room to indulge it as largely as ever they pleased. Independence alone, he held, and Mr. Chaudhuri and others of his way of thinking should take note of it, can give a stimulus to all the nonpolitical forces which make for the happiness of man. Australia and Canada cannot approach the United States in vigour, originality and spirit, because their national life is circumscribed and provincial. If, therefore, Lajpat Rai devoted himself to the political regeneration of his country and the attainment of autonomy, he was merely carrying out in practice Mr. Morley's political teachings. Why, then, does the teacher turn round and deport his pupil?

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The New Thought

 

Personal Rule and Freedom of Speech and Writing

 

Mr. John Morley is reported to have delivered himself of the following fatuity: "One of the most difficult experiments ever tried in human history was whether we could carry on personal government along with free speech and free right of public meeting", and he was cheered by the House. He might as well have said, "We are carrying on in India the most difficult experiment of hunting with the hounds and running with the hare", and no   

 

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doubt he would have been applauded with the same enthusiasm. The average member of Parliament is gifted with no remarkable powers of understanding, and such intelligence as they possess is never drawn upon in elucidation of matters Indian; and as there is a well-understood agreement between the two front benches that no real measure of liberty is to be given to India, the Secretary of State has a most enviable opportunity of saying anything he may please within the strict limits of such agreement about freedom of speech and similar topics, without the least fear of provoking any serious hostile criticism, and Mr. Morley has certainly taken his occasion by both hands.

Any power or privilege in order to deserve the title "free" must be based on the authority of an independent people possessing the supreme and ultimate power of control over its own government. It is this fundamental fact of self-government that must be their origin and sanction, and it is only in this sense that terms like "freedom of conscience" or "freedom of speech" are understood in the countries that actually enjoy them. Their "freedoms" are the concrete expressions, the sacred symbols of the popular will that has realised its sovereignty, and constitute the inviolable limitations under which the executive must work. They stand inaccessibly superior to the needs or wishes of those who actually carry on the government of the country, whose tenure of power primarily rests on their unquestioned submission to the sovereign will and freedom of the people as whose servants they administer. Take the situation in England during the late Boer War as an instance. Throughout that war the Pro-Boers carried on their propaganda all over the country without the least let or hindrance from the Cabinet or the administrative authorities, however much they might have desired to coerce them into silence. John Morley himself was the most outspoken exponent of those who sympathised with the Boers and denounced the war, but no ukase could reach him nor any Emergency Act hurry him out of England.

But when the right of spontaneous articulation comes as a gift from a foreign despotism with no limits on the power of its Executive, instead of proceeding from the consent and   

 

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conviction of the people governed, it becomes then a mere licence strictly similar in kind to any other of the species, for example, a licence issued by the Excise Department. It is held during pleasure, the giving and the taking of it having not the least reference to the people's wishes. In fact the word "right" has no meaning in a subject country. A right can only be where the people are free, and signifies some inalienable incident of citizenship, the recognition of which is an absolute obligation on the Government. The things that masquerade in a country like India under the name of rights, are only concessions of might qualified by prudence and what is conceded in the prudential exercise of despotic power will be withdrawn out of the same consideration, the people remaining equally helpless before and after. The proclamation that is now brooding in a death-like hush over the Punjab and East Bengal is the amplest confirmation of the foregoing lines and disposes finally of the sickening cant of John Morley about the coexistence of free speech and personal rule. The freedom of a subject race is only the freedom to starve and die, all the rest of its existence being on sufferance from those who govern.

The pseudosophies of the Radical philosopher who now rules our destinies, bear however some ugly results. They give in the first place a splendid opportunity to unblushing journals like the Times for insolent dissertations on the enlightened and democratic character of the Government that England has founded in the Orient and for illusory comparisons between the Indian Government and any other Government that might have possibly been established in this country if England had not come to bless her with her beneficent rule, the result of which is to place India in an entirely false light before the civilised world. They also fill the Briton, endowed by Nature with more than the ordinary mortal's share of pride, with an intoxicating sense of exultation as he thinks of the noble work his countrymen are carrying on in India. But far worse than all this is the poison they instil into the minds of those immoderate lovers of England in general, and John Morley in particular, who are known as Moderates amongst us, hereby constantly   

 

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borrowing from the language of English constitutionalism in order to designate the gewgaws given them by the Government. They have gradually deluded themselves into the belief that Indians possess like Englishmen the real incidents of citizenship and such belief hardens into a dogma when Mr. Morley lends it his sanction. The Queen's Proclamation becomes in the borrowed phraseology of the Moderate the Magna Charta of India; the indulgence granted to a subject people to ventilate their grievances is transmuted by the same jugglery of language into freedom of speech and writing; his membership of a helpless Dependency he must persist in describing as the citizenship of the Empire. No matter that the whole world laughs at him in utter contempt and calls him a fool. There are two things that his English education and his reading of Morley have not given him— the sense of history and the sense of humour. And when a proclamation descends like thunder and shatters all his pretentious nonsense to slivers, he clings nevertheless to his illusion and blames the Extremist for having brought on the catastrophe by his foolhardiness. He weeps and wails because he has lost his primary right of citizenship, without a moment's thought on the fact that he has neither rights nor citizenship, and that such things cannot be taken away by a Government. He has read in the history of free countries, but read in vain, that right and citizenship have behind them a sacred tradition of sacrifice, even to the shedding of blood, on a loyal adequate recognition of which their Government is founded. The Moderate does not see that what has been withdrawn from him by the proclamation is no such right as he pretends to have had, but the mere opportunity conceded by the master to the helot to pour forth his unavailing complaint. He confuses sufferance with freedom, the favour of a foreign despotism with the right of citizenship, and his ambition is to win liberty by a whimper. Unless he relearns History and undeceives himself, he will always remain unfit for freedom, a hindrance to his country, a mere dupe of Morleyism, the subject of utter scorn for the nations that are free. What he adores as liberty is a sorry, sordid, delusive mask, not the high-throned, stern, exacting Goddess whose one   

 

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incessant, unambiguous demand resounds through History and ever pierces across the night of time to the heart of the Indian who would worship her— "Main bhukha hun, main bhukha hun."   

 

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