Karmayogin

 

CONTENTS

 

Pre-content

 

Publisher's Note

 

 

 

 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 4, 17 JULY 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

An Unequal Fight

 

God and His Universe

 

The Scientific Position

 

Force Universal or Individual

 

Faith and Deliberation

 

Our “Inconsistencies”

 

Good out of Evil

 

Loss of Courage

 

Intuitive Reason

 

Exit Bibhishan

 

College Square Speech – 1, 18 July 1909

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 5, 24 JULY 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Indiscretions of Sir Edward

 

The Demand for Co-operation

 

What Co-operation?

 

Sir Edward’s Menace

 

The Personal Result

 

A One-sided Proposal

 

The Only Remedy

 

The Bengalee and Ourselves

 

God and Man

 

Ourselves

 

The Doctrine of Sacrifice

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 6, 31 JULY 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Spirit in Asia

 

The Persian Revolution

 

Persia’s Difficulties

 

The New Men in Persia

 

Madanlal Dhingra

 

Press Garbage in England

 

Shyamji Krishnavarma

 

Nervous Anglo-India

 

The Recoil of Karma

 

Liberty or Empire

 

An Open Letter to My Countrymen
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 7, 7 AUGUST 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Police Bill

 

The Political Motive

 

A Hint from Dinajpur

 

The Swadeshi Steam Navigation Company

 

A Swadeshi Enterprise

 

Youth and the Bureaucracy
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 8, 14 AUGUST 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Englishman on Boycott

 

Social Boycott

 

National or Anti-national

 

The Boycott Celebration

 

A Birthday Talk, 15 August 1909

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 9, 21 AUGUST 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

Srijut Surendranath Banerji’s Return

 

A False Step

 

A London Congress

 

The Power that Uplifts
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 10, 28 AUGUST 1909

 

Facts and Comments

 

The Cretan Difficulty

 

Greece and Turkey

 

Spain and the Moor

 

The London Congress

 

Political Prisoners

 

An Official Freak

 

Soham Gita

 

Bengal and the Congress
   

 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 11, 4 SEPTEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Comments
 

The Kaul Judgment

 

The Implications in the Judgment

 

The Social Boycott

 

The Law and the Nationalist

 

The Hughly Resolutions

 

Bengal Provincial Conference, Hughly – 1909

 

Speech at the Hughly Conference, 6 September 1909

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 12, 11 SEPTEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

Impatient Idealists

 

The Question of Fitness

 

Public Disorder and Unfitness

 

The Hughly Conference
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 13, 18 SEPTEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Two Programmes

 

The Reforms

 

The Limitations of the Act

 

Shall We Accept the Partition?

 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 14, 25 SEPTEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Convention President

 

Presidential Autocracy

 

Mr. Lalmohan Ghose

 

The Past and the Future
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 15, 2 OCTOBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Rump Presidential Election

 

Nation-stuff in Morocco

 

Cook versus Peary

 

Nationalist Organisation

 

An Extraordinary Prohibition

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 16, 9 OCTOBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Apostasy of the National Council

 

The Progress of China

 

Partition Day

 

Nationalist Work in England

 

College Square Speech – 2, 10 October 1909

 

Bhawanipur Speech, 13 October 1909

 

Beadon Square Speech – 2, 16 October 1909

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 17, 16 OCTOBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

Gokhale’s Apologia

 

The People’s Proclamation

 

The Anushilan Samiti

 

The National Fund

 

Union Day
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 18, 6 NOVEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

Mahomedan Representation

 

The Growth of Turkey

 

China Enters

 

The Patiala Arrests

 

The Daulatpur Dacoity

 

Place and Patriotism

 

The Dying Race

 

The Death of Señor Ferrer

 

The Budget

 

A Great Opportunity

 

Buddha’s Ashes

 

Students and Politics

 

The Assassination of Prince Ito

 

The Hindu Sabha

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 19, 13 NOVEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

House Searches

 

Social Reform and Politics

 

The Deoghar Sadhu

 

The Great Election
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 20, 20 NOVEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

A Hint of Change

 

Pretentious Shams

 

The Municipalities and Reform

 

Police Unrest in the Punjab

 

The Reformed Councils
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 21, 27 NOVEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Bomb Case and Anglo-India

 

The Nadiya President’s Speech

 

Mr. Macdonald’s Visit

 

The Alipur Judgment
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 22, 4 DECEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Lieutenant-Governor’s Mercy

 

An Ominous Presage

 

Chowringhee Humour

 

The Last Resort

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 23, 11 DECEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The United Congress

 

The Spirit of the Negotiations

 

A Salutary Rejection

 

The English Revolution

 

Aristocratic Quibbling

 

The Transvaal Indians
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 24, 18 DECEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

Sir Pherozshah’s Resignation

 

The Council Elections

 

British Unfitness for Liberty

 

The Lahore Convention

 

The Moderate Manifesto
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 25, 25 DECEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The United Congress Negotiations

 

A New Sophism

 

Futile Espionage

 

Convention Voyagers

 

Creed and Constitution

 

To My Countrymen

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 26, 1 JANUARY 1910

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Perishing Convention

 

The Convention President’s Address

 

The Alleged Breach of Faith

 

The Nasik Murder

 

Transvaal and Bengal

 

Our Cheap Edition

 

National Education
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 27, 8 JANUARY 1910

 

Facts and Opinions

 

Sir Edward Baker’s Admissions

 

Calcutta and Mofussil

 

The Non-Official Majority

 

Sir Louis Dane on Terrorism

 

The Menace of Deportation

 

A Practicable Boycott
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 28, 15 JANUARY 1910

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Patiala Case

 

The Arya Samaj and Politics

 

The Arya Disclaimer

 

What Is Sedition?

 

A Thing that Happened
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 29, 22 JANUARY 1910

 

Facts and Opinions

 

Lajpat Rai’s Letters

 

A Nervous Samaj

 

The Banerji Vigilance Committees

 

Postal Precautions

 

Detective Wiles

 

The New Policy
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 30, 29 JANUARY 1910

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The High Court Assassination

 

Anglo-Indian Prescriptions

 

House Search

 

The Elections

 

The Viceroy’s Speech
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 31, 5 FEBRUARY 1910

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Party of Revolution

 

Its Growth

 

Its Extent

 

Ourselves

 

The Necessity of the Situation

 

The Elections

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 32, 12 FEBRUARY 1910

 

Passing Thoughts

 

Vedantic Art

 

Asceticism and Enjoyment

 

Aliens in Ancient India

 

The Scholarship of Mr. Risley

 

Anarchism

 

The Gita and Terrorism

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 33, 19 FEBRUARY 1910

 

Passing Thoughts

 

The Bhagalpur Literary Conference

 

Life and Institutions

 

Indian Conservatism

 

Samaj and Shastra

 

Revolution

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 37, 19 MARCH 1910

 

Sj. Aurobindo Ghose

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 38, 26 MARCH 1910

 

In Either Case

   
 

APPENDIX—Karmayogin Writings in Other Volumes of the Complete Works

 

BACK

KARMAYOGIN

A WEEKLY REVIEW

of National Religion, Literature, Science, Philosophy, &c.,

Vol. I  }

SATURDAY 4th DECEMBER 1909

{ No. 22

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Lieutenant-Governor's Mercy

 

The outcry of the Moderates against the exclusion of their best men has led to certain concessions by which apparently the Government hope to minimise or obviate the formidable opposition that is slowly gathering head against the new Councils. These concessions remove not a single objectionable principle from the Bill. They are evidently designed to facilitate the admission into the Council of the two men in Bengal whose opposition may prove most harmful to the chances of the exceedingly skilful Chinese puzzle called the Councils Regulations, by which the consummate tacticians of Simla hope to preserve full control for the authorities while earning the credit of a liberal and popular reform. The modification by which men who have served three years on a Municipality become eligible even if they are no longer on any such body at the time of election, seems specially designed to admit Sj. Bhupendranath Bose who, with all the other well-known men of Bengal, was excluded by the careful provisions of the Scheme. But to have placated Sj. Bhupendranath and at the same time disqualified the greater Moderate leader would obviously have been an infructuous concession. Accordingly, we are now given to understand that the Lieutenant-Governor has been pleased to intimate to the most powerful man in Bengal that, if he

 

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stands for election, the disqualification under which he has been placed, will be waived as a special concession in his favour! We do not know what were the feelings of Sj. Surendranath when he was informed that this back-door had been opened to him by the indulgence of the bureaucracy to its dismissed servant. But to us the permission seems to be more humiliating and injurious than the original exclusion, –to Bengal, if not to Surendranath personally. As things stand, he cannot make use of the concession without forfeiting his already much-imperilled popularity and putting himself uselessly into a ridiculous and undignified position. If he stood now, the whole country would believe that his dissatisfaction with the Reforms was due to his personal exclusion and not to the vicious principles of the Scheme. He would enter not in his own right, but by the grace and mercy of the bureaucracy of whom he has been the lifelong opponent. And to what end? To stand isolated or with a handful of ineffective votes against a solid phalanx of officials, Government nominees, Europeans, Mahomedans and lukewarm waverers or reactionaries. Sj. Surendranath gains nothing for himself or the country by entering the Councils on these shameful terms; he gains everything by holding aloof and standing out for better conditions.

 

An Ominous Presage

 

The Indian Daily News nowadays plays the Statesman's abandoned role of the Friend of India. This journal has been recently harping on the necessity of the reform of the Municipalities and throwing out suggestions of the lines on which those reforms should be framed. We cannot imagine anything more ominous, more fatal to the little of self-government that we possess, than these suggested reforms. We pointed out in our article on the Reforms that under this scheme the Municipalities were the only weak point in the Government's armour and we hazarded a prophecy that the Government would follow the policy of thorough and mend this vulnerable part. This is precisely what our Anglo-Indian "friend" earnestly and repeatedly

 

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calls on them to do without farther delay. The principle to be enforced is that same false, vicious and antidemocratic principle of the representation of separate interests which has made the new Reforms a blow straight at the heart of progress instead of an important step in progressive development. It is true that the Daily News deprecates separate electorates and advocates official control veiled and occasional instead of official control insistent, naked and unashamed. But we know perfectly well that official control veiled and occasional, as in the universities, can be made as potent and effective a weapon for the suppression of independent action as official control direct and habitual. And if the European, the Mahomedan and the landlord are to predominate in the Municipalities as in the reformed Councils and the representation of the "professional classes" carefully restricted, we do not care whether it is done by separate electorates or by some other equally careful manipulation of the electoral lists. The result will be the same. The Daily News seems to be inspired in its anxiety for reform by two lofty motives, the predominance of the European vote, wealthy but small in numbers, and the distinction of the predominance of the professional men who, under present circumstances, can alone represent educated India. On the Councils the non-official European representation is small, not in proportion to the numbers of its constituency, but in its comparative voting power, yet this class is on the whole satisfied, because it not only gets what it knows to be disproportionately large representation but can be sure of the co-operation of the official in farthering its interests. On the Municipalities, if the direct official control disappears, it will be necessary for the European vote to be dominant so as to prevent a combination of other elements from pushing other interests to the detriment of European privilege or monopoly. The distinction which this journal, in common with other Anglo-Indian papers, draws between men with a real stake in the country and educated men, who apparently because of their education have none, sheds a flood of light on the kind of friendship which it cherishes for the people of this country.

 

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Chowringhee Humour

 

The Statesman as a friend was intolerable; as a humorist it is hardly less difficult to bear. There was an elephantine attempt at sardonic humour in a recent article in which it weightily urged the educated community to overlook defects and take full and generous advantage of the great opportunity from the benefits of which they have been excluded. That is the peculiar humour of these reforms. They are a Barmecide's feast, gorgeous dishes and silver covers with only unsubstantial air inside, and even from that chameleon's feast the educated classes are carefully excluded, except in a pitifully infinitesimal degree. Yet the Anglo-Indian papers are indignantly remonstrating with the educated classes for not crowding to the table where there are no seats for them and feasting themselves fat on the dainty invisible meats which others are so eager to partake of. It may be asked why others are so anxious for these aerial privileges. Well, that is because it is only the educated classes who are really hungry for substantial political food, the others are eager to see and handle the gorgeous dishes and the silver covers, to say nothing of the kudos of having dined at so rich a house and its material advantages to the individual. But the educated Hindus have had a surfeit of specious outsides and are learning to merge the interests of the individual in the good of the nation.

 

The Last Resort

 

The resort to boycott is becoming instinctive in men's blood; not only in India but everywhere, men confronted by opposition of a nature which renders it impossible to deal with it effectively, take to boycott with an admirable spontaneity. The rapid spread of this ancient Indian device since China and India applied it for the first time on the gigantic Asiatic scale, is a sign of the times. We can naturally understand the feeling of discomfort which leads the Anglo-Indian papers to deprecate this move on the part of the Moderates. It is true that the reported agreement to boycott the Councils has been denied by representatives of

 

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Moderate opinion, but, whether a formal resolution to the effect was recorded or not at the momentous meeting in the Indian Association's rooms, it is this policy which the Moderates are following, for the excellent reason that there is no other. As they pathetically complain, it is not they who have boycotted the Government but the Government which has boycotted them. That is not, of course, literally true. Sj. Ambikacharan Majumdar who has refused to stand as a candidate, is eligible under the Government rules; the disabilities in the way of Sjs. Bhupendranath and Surendranath have been waived or removed. But this the Government has taken care to ensure, that if they enter, and evidently the Government desires that they should enter, it shall be as grandiose nonentities, stripped of all powerful backing, individual voices and nothing more. Co-operation on such conditions would be the end of the Moderate party in Bengal and the absolute destruction of the Moderates is an event, which, we confess, we could not contemplate with equanimity. We need a party which will form a convenient channel through which the Government can glide gradually down the path of concession until events have educated our bureaucracy to the point of recognising the necessity of negotiation with the Nationalists. We are therefore glad that the Government has made it imperative on the Moderates to answer boycott with boycott. We have expressed our admiration of the skill with which the Reform Regulations have been framed, but it is the skill of the keen-eyed but limited tactician cleverly manipulating forces for a small immediate gain, not of the far-seeing political strategist. On the contrary, the framers have flung away supports which they ought to have secured and secured others which are either weak or unreliable. The nonentities who are scrambling for a seat in the Council cannot hold the fort for them; the support of the landholders is lacking in sincerity and they are, besides, a force the bureaucracy themselves have stripped ruthlessly of their ancient strength and leadership, which cannot now be recovered by a seat on the Councils; the Musulmans have suddenly been raised by the amazingly shortsighted policy of Lord Morley into an eager, ambitious and pushing political force which will

 

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demand a higher and ever higher price for its support. On the other hand the Moderates have been humiliated in the sight of all India and made a general laughing stock, and the entire Hindu community, always the mightiest in potentiality in the land and now growing conscious of its might, has been put far on the way to becoming a permanent and embittered opposition. O wonders of Anglo-Indian statesmanship!

 

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OTHER WRITINGS BY SRI AUROBINDO IN THIS ISSUE

 

The Men that Pass

The National Value of Art III

 

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