Karmayogin

 

CONTENTS

 

Pre-content

 

Publisher's Note

 

 

 

 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 4, 17 JULY 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

An Unequal Fight

 

God and His Universe

 

The Scientific Position

 

Force Universal or Individual

 

Faith and Deliberation

 

Our “Inconsistencies”

 

Good out of Evil

 

Loss of Courage

 

Intuitive Reason

 

Exit Bibhishan

 

College Square Speech – 1, 18 July 1909

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 5, 24 JULY 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Indiscretions of Sir Edward

 

The Demand for Co-operation

 

What Co-operation?

 

Sir Edward’s Menace

 

The Personal Result

 

A One-sided Proposal

 

The Only Remedy

 

The Bengalee and Ourselves

 

God and Man

 

Ourselves

 

The Doctrine of Sacrifice

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 6, 31 JULY 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Spirit in Asia

 

The Persian Revolution

 

Persia’s Difficulties

 

The New Men in Persia

 

Madanlal Dhingra

 

Press Garbage in England

 

Shyamji Krishnavarma

 

Nervous Anglo-India

 

The Recoil of Karma

 

Liberty or Empire

 

An Open Letter to My Countrymen
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 7, 7 AUGUST 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Police Bill

 

The Political Motive

 

A Hint from Dinajpur

 

The Swadeshi Steam Navigation Company

 

A Swadeshi Enterprise

 

Youth and the Bureaucracy
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 8, 14 AUGUST 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Englishman on Boycott

 

Social Boycott

 

National or Anti-national

 

The Boycott Celebration

 

A Birthday Talk, 15 August 1909

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 9, 21 AUGUST 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

Srijut Surendranath Banerji’s Return

 

A False Step

 

A London Congress

 

The Power that Uplifts
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 10, 28 AUGUST 1909

 

Facts and Comments

 

The Cretan Difficulty

 

Greece and Turkey

 

Spain and the Moor

 

The London Congress

 

Political Prisoners

 

An Official Freak

 

Soham Gita

 

Bengal and the Congress
   

 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 11, 4 SEPTEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Comments
 

The Kaul Judgment

 

The Implications in the Judgment

 

The Social Boycott

 

The Law and the Nationalist

 

The Hughly Resolutions

 

Bengal Provincial Conference, Hughly – 1909

 

Speech at the Hughly Conference, 6 September 1909

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 12, 11 SEPTEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

Impatient Idealists

 

The Question of Fitness

 

Public Disorder and Unfitness

 

The Hughly Conference
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 13, 18 SEPTEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Two Programmes

 

The Reforms

 

The Limitations of the Act

 

Shall We Accept the Partition?

 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 14, 25 SEPTEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Convention President

 

Presidential Autocracy

 

Mr. Lalmohan Ghose

 

The Past and the Future
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 15, 2 OCTOBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Rump Presidential Election

 

Nation-stuff in Morocco

 

Cook versus Peary

 

Nationalist Organisation

 

An Extraordinary Prohibition

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 16, 9 OCTOBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Apostasy of the National Council

 

The Progress of China

 

Partition Day

 

Nationalist Work in England

 

College Square Speech – 2, 10 October 1909

 

Bhawanipur Speech, 13 October 1909

 

Beadon Square Speech – 2, 16 October 1909

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 17, 16 OCTOBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

Gokhale’s Apologia

 

The People’s Proclamation

 

The Anushilan Samiti

 

The National Fund

 

Union Day
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 18, 6 NOVEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

Mahomedan Representation

 

The Growth of Turkey

 

China Enters

 

The Patiala Arrests

 

The Daulatpur Dacoity

 

Place and Patriotism

 

The Dying Race

 

The Death of Señor Ferrer

 

The Budget

 

A Great Opportunity

 

Buddha’s Ashes

 

Students and Politics

 

The Assassination of Prince Ito

 

The Hindu Sabha

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 19, 13 NOVEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

House Searches

 

Social Reform and Politics

 

The Deoghar Sadhu

 

The Great Election
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 20, 20 NOVEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

A Hint of Change

 

Pretentious Shams

 

The Municipalities and Reform

 

Police Unrest in the Punjab

 

The Reformed Councils
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 21, 27 NOVEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Bomb Case and Anglo-India

 

The Nadiya President’s Speech

 

Mr. Macdonald’s Visit

 

The Alipur Judgment
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 22, 4 DECEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Lieutenant-Governor’s Mercy

 

An Ominous Presage

 

Chowringhee Humour

 

The Last Resort

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 23, 11 DECEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The United Congress

 

The Spirit of the Negotiations

 

A Salutary Rejection

 

The English Revolution

 

Aristocratic Quibbling

 

The Transvaal Indians
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 24, 18 DECEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

Sir Pherozshah’s Resignation

 

The Council Elections

 

British Unfitness for Liberty

 

The Lahore Convention

 

The Moderate Manifesto
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 25, 25 DECEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The United Congress Negotiations

 

A New Sophism

 

Futile Espionage

 

Convention Voyagers

 

Creed and Constitution

 

To My Countrymen

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 26, 1 JANUARY 1910

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Perishing Convention

 

The Convention President’s Address

 

The Alleged Breach of Faith

 

The Nasik Murder

 

Transvaal and Bengal

 

Our Cheap Edition

 

National Education
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 27, 8 JANUARY 1910

 

Facts and Opinions

 

Sir Edward Baker’s Admissions

 

Calcutta and Mofussil

 

The Non-Official Majority

 

Sir Louis Dane on Terrorism

 

The Menace of Deportation

 

A Practicable Boycott
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 28, 15 JANUARY 1910

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Patiala Case

 

The Arya Samaj and Politics

 

The Arya Disclaimer

 

What Is Sedition?

 

A Thing that Happened
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 29, 22 JANUARY 1910

 

Facts and Opinions

 

Lajpat Rai’s Letters

 

A Nervous Samaj

 

The Banerji Vigilance Committees

 

Postal Precautions

 

Detective Wiles

 

The New Policy
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 30, 29 JANUARY 1910

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The High Court Assassination

 

Anglo-Indian Prescriptions

 

House Search

 

The Elections

 

The Viceroy’s Speech
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 31, 5 FEBRUARY 1910

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Party of Revolution

 

Its Growth

 

Its Extent

 

Ourselves

 

The Necessity of the Situation

 

The Elections

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 32, 12 FEBRUARY 1910

 

Passing Thoughts

 

Vedantic Art

 

Asceticism and Enjoyment

 

Aliens in Ancient India

 

The Scholarship of Mr. Risley

 

Anarchism

 

The Gita and Terrorism

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 33, 19 FEBRUARY 1910

 

Passing Thoughts

 

The Bhagalpur Literary Conference

 

Life and Institutions

 

Indian Conservatism

 

Samaj and Shastra

 

Revolution

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 37, 19 MARCH 1910

 

Sj. Aurobindo Ghose

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 38, 26 MARCH 1910

 

In Either Case

   
 

APPENDIX—Karmayogin Writings in Other Volumes of the Complete Works

 

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The Transvaal Indians

 

THE VISIT of Mr. Polak has excited once more a closer interest in the Transvaal question and associations are being formed for the agitation of the question. It will therefore be opportune to consider the practical aspect of the struggle in the Transvaal and the possibility of help from India. There can be no two opinions outside South Africa, and possibly Hare Street, as to the moral aspects of the question; for it must be remembered that the Indians in the Transvaal are not claiming any political rights, but merely treatment as human beings first, and, next, equality before the law. It is open to the South Africans to exclude Indians altogether, but, once they are admitted, they are morally bound to refrain from a treatment of them which is an extreme and unpardonable outrage on humanity. To degrade any part of the human race to the level of cattle is in the present stage of progress an insult and an offence to the whole of mankind. It would be equally reprehensible to whatever race the humanity so degraded belonged, but the fact that these men are Indians has made their sufferings a national question to us and a standing reproach to the British people who, out of selfish fear of offending their own kith and kin, allow this outrage to be committed on their own subjects whom they have deprived of all means of self-protection. The great glory of the Transvaal Indians is that while men under such circumstances have always sunk into the condition to which they have been condemned and needed others to help them out of the mire, these sons of Bharatavarsha, inheritors of an unexampled moral and spiritual tradition, have vindicated the superiority of the Indian people and its civilisation to all other peoples in the globe and all other civilisations by the spirit in which they have refused to recognise the dominance of brute force over the human soul. Stripped of all means of resistance,

 

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a helpless handful in a foreign land, unaided by India, put off with empty professions of sympathy by English statesmen, they, ignored by humanity, are fighting humanity's battle in the pure strength of the spirit, with no weapon but the moral force of their voluntary sufferings and utter self-sacrifice. Mr. Polak has well said that the Indian nation is being built up in South Africa. The phrase is true in this sense that the supreme example of the moral and spiritual strength which must be behind the formation of the new nation, has been shown first not in India but in South Africa. The passive resistance which we had not the courage and unselfishness to carry out in India, they have carried to the utmost in the Transvaal under far more arduous circumstances, with far less right to hope for success. Whether they win or lose in the struggle, they have contributed far more than their share to the future greatness of their country.

We must consider their chances of success, and though we do not wish to speak words of discouragement, it will not do to hide from ourselves the enormous difficulties in the way. For success, either the Government in England must interfere and compel the Transvaal to do right, or the Transvaal must be stirred by shame and by the interest of the poorer part of the Boer community to reverse the laws, or the Indian Government must intervene to protect its subjects. The first course is unthinkable. It would mean a quarrel with the newly conciliated Transvaal, the marring of the work of which the Liberal Government is justly proud, and a resentment in South Africa which the English ministry will not face for the sake of all India, much less of a handful of Indian coolies and shopkeepers. The poorer Boers will be only inconvenienced, not seriously hurt by the extinction of the Indian shopkeeper, and, in any case, they are not a class who are wont to act politically. The Transvaal Government is not likely to yield to any sense of shame. The Boers are a stark race, stubborn to the death, and the grit they showed in the face of the British Empire, they are also likely to show in this very minor trouble. Nor are they likely to have forgotten the action of the Indians who rewarded the

 

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comparative leniency of the Boer Government previous to the war by helping actively in the British attack on the liberty of the Transvaal. With their slow minds and tenacious memories they are a people not swift to forget and forgive; we do not rely greatly on their present professions of friendship to the Power that took from them their freedom, and they are wholly unlikely to put from their minds the unpardonable intrusion of the Indian residents into a quarrel in which they had no concern or status.

There remains the Indian Government, and what can the Indian Government do? It can forbid, as has been suggested, Indian cooly recruitment for Natal. This would undoubtedly be a great blow to the planters and they would throw their whole influence into the Indian scale. But, on the other hand, the mass of the Natal whites are full of race prejudice and their desire is for that impossible dream, a white South Africa. A more effective measure would be the suspension of trade relations by the boycott of Colonial goods and the cessation of the importation of Indian raw materials into South Africa. But that is a step which will never be taken. Even if the Indian Government were willing to use any and every means, the decision does not rest with them but with the Government in England, which will not consent to offending the colonies. The Indian Government would no doubt like to see an end of the situation in the Transvaal as it weakens such moral hold as they still have over India, and they would prefer a favourable termination because the return of ruined Indians from the Transvaal will bring home a mass of bitterness, burning sense of wrong and standing discontent trained in the most strenuous methods of passive resistance. And many of them are Mahomedans.

The one favourable factor in favour of the Transvaal Indians is their own spiritual force and the chance of its altering the conditions by sheer moral weight. It is India's duty to aid them by financial succour which they sorely need and the rich men of the country can easily afford, by the heartening effect of public and frequently expressed moral sympathy and by educating the whole people of India literate and

 

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illiterate in an accurate knowledge of what is happening in the Transvaal. This is the only help India can give to her children over the seas so long as she is not master of her own destinies.

 

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OTHER WRITINGS BY SRI AUROBINDO IN THIS ISSUE

 

The National Value of Art IV

Anandamath XI

The Birth of Sin (poem)

 

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