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Part Five
Speeches
22 December 1907 1 February 1908
On 21 December 1907, Sri Aurobindo left Calcutta to attend the Surat session of the Indian National Congress. The next day he addressed a meeting in Nagpur. After the violent break-up of the Congress he passed a few days in Baroda, and then visited a number of cities in Maharashtra at the invitation of Nationalist colleagues. In all of these places he gave speeches, most of which have been preserved in one form or another. See the next page for details. All told, Sri Aurobindo delivered fourteen speeches in Maharashtra between 22 December 1907 and 1 February 1908. Reports of eleven of them survive. Two were published in the Bande Mataram shortly after their delivery. Another was published in the Mahratta, an English weekly newspaper. Five others are known only by means of Marathi translations, while three exist only in the form of summaries or transcriptions made by the British police. There are no surviving reports of the remaining three speeches.
In the following pages, nine reports are reproduced. Only the two published in Bande Mataram may be considered adequate representations of Sri Aurobindo's words. The other reports are expressed in language that is sometimes awkward or defective; they have been edited to a greater or lesser extent to make them more clear and readable.
Our Experiences in Bengal
Babu Aurobindo Ghose paid a flying visit to Poona last week. On Monday evening he delivered an address in the Gaekwar's Wada, under the presidency of Mr. Annasaheb Patwardhan, and told his Poona audience how the new thought and the new movement spread all over Bengal and how the Bengalis were able to do things which were never before thought possible in that province. He referred to the eventful year 1907 and the repressive policy of the Government and observed that though the Government measures of repression were rather severe and fierce when compared with our old experience, they were certainly not as fierce or as severe as those adopted by Governments in other countries. He spoke of the doubting, negative temperament of some of our leaders who always questioned, “Why are you going to do all this? Why are you going so far and so fast? Show us the force on which you rely! Where is the strength? Have you the strength?”, as soon as a new thing was proposed to be done. The lecturer said that he was a superstitious man and always believed that the people would do anything successfully when they really undertook to do it. He told his audience how the Congress movement, though originally very strong in Bengal, had failed to give satisfaction to the people as the methods adopted by the Congress were proved to be fruitless, how the old method of petitioning was not only considered futile but harmful, how the people had grown apathetic and despondent and how this despondent and apathetic mood of the people was converted into an active mood by the repressive measures of Lord Curzon. The Calcutta Municipal Bill was the first of these measures. The Universities Act, passed in spite of universal
Delivered in Poona 13 January 1908. Text (third-person report) published in the Mahratta (Poona) on 19 January.
Page – 807 protest, was the next. Last came the Partition of Bengal and this stroke went right through the heart of every Bengali. They at first tried petitions, prayers, meetings, resolutions and protests, but soon found their uselessness. Something had to be done and the Swadeshi movement, which had received no attention when it was first introduced in Bengal, now gained fresh strength. The cry of boycott was first raised in Kishoregunj, in Mymensingh and then in Magura in the district of Jessore, from where it was taken up in Calcutta. The Chinese boycott of American goods had succeeded and the Calcutta people accepted the idea of boycott as excellent. The Calcutta leaders, however, first proclaimed it “impossible”. They asked, “Where is the strength of character or the economic strength to do all this?” They considered Swadeshi impossible and boycott still more so. They had no faith in the capacity of their countrymen and said that the movement would fail and those who attempted to spread it would become the laughing-stock of all. But people did not listen to this advice; they said they would try and see if the movement would succeed. The current of public opinion grew so strong that the leaders ultimately had to give their consent to the new movement. They accepted Swadeshi but wanted to have recourse to boycott only for six months to see if the Partition would be withdrawn. The people wanted the boycott to continue and refused to believe that they were too weak for the purpose. They refused to be hypnotised and to consider themselves cowards. It was Swami Vivekananda who preached this doctrine to his countrymen. This was believed by the new party. Young men and old worked for the movement. The young men took up the work of picketing and sold Swadeshi goods at cost price. When the Government began to check the students and prevent them from helping the new movement they left the Government schools and demanded National schools for their education. In this way the first National school came into existence in Rangpur. Then there arose a necessity for a National University. In this connection also the leaders would not join the new movement and some of the proprietors of private colleges stood against this idea. Yet the people showed
Page – 808 sympathy; the liberality of some supplied funds, and the leaders had to give their consent. Bengalis were thought incapable of real and earnest work and it was thought that they would not be prepared for self-sacrifice of any kind. Bengali people were taken to be cowards. This idea had become part of the English literature and was taught to them in schools. The result was that the Bengalis themselves began to believe that they were cowards, that their ancestors were cowards and that their sons and grandsons would all be cowards. But there were men who were not political atheists. They believed in the strength of the nation and were confident that a nation of cowards would be converted into a nation of heroes. That is the difference between a Nationalist and a Moderate; a Nationalist has firm faith in the strength of his people, while a Moderate has only moderate faith or no faith at all. The new thought made Bengali youths strong; they exposed themselves to the attacks of the police and the wrath of the Government, and they were prepared for jail. One of the youths connected with the paper Yugantar actually complained that the paper did not publish sufficiently violent articles. Such daring and enthusiasm could now be seen in Bengali youths. The new spirit or Nationalist spirit is an unshakable and absolute confidence in the strength of the nation. People have to take leaps into the dark, for reason is unable to show the way. You must take courage in hand and work. When the work regarding National education was commenced, it was a leap in the dark, but it succeeded. The lecturer remarked that provinces other than Bengal were in some respects superior to Bengal and therefore ought to be able to do what Bengal succeeded in doing. He said, “We are seeing the light before us, we are walking on God’s way, we are going to our ultimate goal surely and swiftly; nothing will daunt us, we welcome ordeals because they make us strong. `Do as we have done’ is the message of Bengal to the whole of India.” In concluding his speech the great Bengali editor said that if the whole of India works unitedly, confidently and enthusiastically for the nation, it is sure to reach its goal and attain greatness, prosperity and freedom.
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